Vethari: Difference between revisions
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Vethari is the official language of Vetharin, a kingdom located north in the Vetharin Peninsula, that goes off the northeast coast of India into the Bay of Bengal. It’s the mother tongue from 63.5 million people, that is 96% of the country’s population of 66.1 million, although it is not spoken so much on the west and south regions. On the other hand, it is spoken at a certain level on the other side of the border with India, with around 2 million speakers there. During World War II, a massive immigration from Vethari occurred, scattering speaker all across the world, but specially on England, Brazil, United States and Spain. | Vethari is the official language of Vetharin, a kingdom located north in the Vetharin Peninsula, that goes off the northeast coast of India into the Bay of Bengal. It’s the mother tongue from 63.5 million people, that is 96% of the country’s population of 66.1 million, although it is not spoken so much on the west and south regions. On the other hand, it is spoken at a certain level on the other side of the border with India, with around 2 million speakers there. During World War II, a massive immigration from Vethari occurred, scattering speaker all across the world, but specially on England, Brazil, United States and Spain. | ||
Vethari has only 2 dialects, although there is a standard form, that is the one taught in the schools and also the one that it is studied in this article. Vethari uses the Vethari script, that evolved from the Brahmi script. It is an abugida, like its ancestor. A standard romanization was made in 1898 and it used on guides, grammar books and transcriptions. The romanization is used on this article for being easier to understand. On certain places of Vetharin, people write with the Latin alphabet. Vethari is an agglutinative, Verb-Framing, Subject-Prominent, Fluid-S Active-Stative morphosyntactically aligned language. | Vethari has only main 2 dialects, although there is a standard form, that is the one taught in the schools and also the one that it is studied in this article. Vethari uses the Vethari script, that evolved from the Brahmi script. It is an abugida, like its ancestor. A standard romanization was made in 1898 and it used on guides, grammar books and transcriptions. The romanization is used on this article for being easier to understand. On certain places of Vetharin, people write with the Latin alphabet. Vethari is an agglutinative, Verb-Framing, Subject-Prominent, Fluid-S Active-Stative morphosyntactically aligned language. | ||
The Vethari languages are apparently an isolated group, being one of the world’s primary languages families. Although this is the accepted theory nowadays, there already had lots of other ones. For example, connecting the Vethari family with the Austronesian family and even with the Japonic languages. In 1767, the linguist and grammarian Satuwo Uteppe released an 647-page book that proved that Vethari is related to Sino-Tibetan. In 1808, in a grammar of Vethari, it is shown some evidence that Vethari is related to Austroasiatic languages, specially with the Munda branch. In conclusion, the grammar is so different from other languages that it may even be possible to be related to some other family, however, with the nowadays technology and researches, it can’t be proved. | |||
== Phonology == | == Phonology == | ||
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Kinship terms on Vethari are pretty complex. Terms change completely when the person is biologically female/masculine, since there are no genders in the language. Exclusive names go for at maximum every person related to you in 3 generations, including your spouse/husband, so those names changes if they are from your partner’s family. After that, people related but distant are called 'prakhninau'. There are names for lots of people, for example: My mother’s-in-law mom is Gurunisyinumi. For people starting with 'step-', the suffix 'egu(l)-' is put. People starting with 'grand-', after the grand-grand-grand-???, is 'fyu(l)-'. | Kinship terms on Vethari are pretty complex. Terms change completely when the person is biologically female/masculine, since there are no genders in the language. Exclusive names go for at maximum every person related to you in 3 generations, including your spouse/husband, so those names changes if they are from your partner’s family. After that, people related but distant are called 'prakhninau'. There are names for lots of people, for example: My mother’s-in-law mom is Gurunisyinumi. For people starting with 'step-', the suffix 'egu(l)-' is put. People starting with 'grand-', after the grand-grand-grand-???, is 'fyu(l)-'. | ||
=== Punctuation === | |||
Vethari uses lots of punctuation that are the same in English, such as the period(.), exclamation mark(!) and quote marks(“„).) | |||
Punctuations in math and other subjects do not change, such as parenthesis and brackets. | |||
Some other punctuations that differ from the English ones are: (❬ ❭) “Jate”, used to show irony in a sentence, (⧼ ⧽) “Thu”, used to show admiration and positivity, however, if two of them on each side, it means the exact opposite. The tricolon/Tesyepagi (⁝) is used to explain something that was mentioned but there was nothing about it. An example in English with the tricolon would be: “An example with it would be⁝”. A double dot or an apostrophe is used as a comma. | |||
=== Numbers === | |||
Vethari’s number system is a bit different than other languages’. Numbers from 1-7 have a name for each, from 8 to 10 is like: (10-2 and 10-1), while ten has a different name. From 11-17 is the same (10 + 1, 2, …) and 18 is like (20-2 and 20-1). From thirty beyond(until 70) is like: (3 x 10, 4 x 10, …, 7 x 10) and then, 80 and 90 is (100 - 20 and 100 - 10). 88 for example is [(20 - 100) + (10 - 2)]. Every other number that is a multiple of 10(100, 1000, 1000000, …) has a number, while their variations (200, 4000, 9000000, …) work the same way [(2,3,… x ?)]. A big number for example is 1 809 114 [1 000 000 + (10 - 2) x 100 + 9 + 100 - 10 + 4]. They also decline for case, number and definiteness. | |||
=== Idiomatic Phrases === | === Idiomatic Phrases === | ||
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: Bomolukritil dyemi finigoporditri. | : Bomolukritil dyemi finigoporditri. | ||
: two-DEF-PL-AGT | : two-DEF-PL-AGT MEA bird-DEF-PL-AGT | ||
: Two birds. | : Two birds. | ||
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== Dialects == | == Dialects == | ||
The language has two major dialects spoken in distinct regions, each with its own lexical preferences, stylistic tendencies, and unique word formations. While mutually intelligible, the dialects are immediately recognizable by their choice of expressions, use of certain affixes, and subtle differences in how compounds are constructed. One dialect, often called the Highland variety, is spoken in inland, mountainous regions and tends to preserve older forms and more conservative structures. The other, known as the Coastal dialect, is found along the seaboard and exhibits more innovation and lexical fluidity due to trade, mobility, and cultural exchange. | The language has two major dialects(that inside have more dialects too) spoken in distinct regions, each with its own lexical preferences, stylistic tendencies, and unique word formations. While mutually intelligible, the dialects are immediately recognizable by their choice of expressions, use of certain affixes, and subtle differences in how compounds are constructed. One dialect, often called the Highland variety, is spoken in inland, mountainous regions and tends to preserve older forms and more conservative structures. The other, known as the Coastal dialect, is found along the seaboard and exhibits more innovation and lexical fluidity due to trade, mobility, and cultural exchange. | ||
In the Highland dialect, words are often more compact and traditional. Speakers tend to favor archaic compound structures and maintain distinctions that have faded elsewhere. For instance, they retain older vocabulary for natural elements and kinship that have been replaced by broader or simpler forms in the Coastal dialect. The Highland variety also avoids certain abstract coinages, preferring to express concepts through metaphor or storytelling. A speaker might describe “forgiveness” not as a single abstract noun but as “the softening of stone,” invoking imagery to carry meaning. | In the Highland dialect, words are often more compact and traditional. Speakers tend to favor archaic compound structures and maintain distinctions that have faded elsewhere. For instance, they retain older vocabulary for natural elements and kinship that have been replaced by broader or simpler forms in the Coastal dialect. The Highland variety also avoids certain abstract coinages, preferring to express concepts through metaphor or storytelling. A speaker might describe “forgiveness” not as a single abstract noun but as “the softening of stone,” invoking imagery to carry meaning. It also prefers to use the Alethic and Epistemic modality rather than the Gnomic aspect. | ||
The Coastal dialect, on the other hand, thrives on creative compounding and the reimagining of roots. It regularly generates new terms by combining common stems in playful or efficient ways, often shortening or streamlining them for ease of use. This dialect also borrows more readily from trade partners or neighbors, though such borrowings are adapted to the native morphological style. For example, instead of using an external word for “compass,” the Coastal dialect might coin a new term from “sea” and “circle.” These neologisms reflect the region’s outward-facing culture and openness to adaptation. | The Coastal dialect, on the other hand, thrives on creative compounding and the reimagining of roots. It regularly generates new terms by combining common stems in playful or efficient ways, often shortening or streamlining them for ease of use. This dialect also borrows more readily from trade partners or neighbors, though such borrowings are adapted to the native morphological style. For example, instead of using an external word for “compass,” the Coastal dialect might coin a new term from “sea” and “circle.” These neologisms reflect the region’s outward-facing culture and openness to adaptation. | ||
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Despite their differences, both dialects are seen as prestigious within their own contexts. Literature, song, and oral tradition exist in both forms, and speakers often shift between dialects depending on setting, formality, or region. This duality adds richness to the language as a whole, fostering internal variation while maintaining a unified linguistic identity. | Despite their differences, both dialects are seen as prestigious within their own contexts. Literature, song, and oral tradition exist in both forms, and speakers often shift between dialects depending on setting, formality, or region. This duality adds richness to the language as a whole, fostering internal variation while maintaining a unified linguistic identity. | ||
== Genetics, Origins and DNA == | |||
The Vethari, a seafaring ethnic group residing on a peninsula extending eastward from India’s eastern seaboard, possess a genetic heritage that reflects deep-rooted South Asian ancestry intertwined with more distant ties to both ancient Egyptian populations and the indigenous Mayaimi people of southeastern North America. Genomic studies reveal a core affinity with Dravidian and Austroasiatic groups from eastern India, alongside rare ancestral components linking them to Northeast African lineages and transoceanic maritime contacts. These connections, while faint, suggest that the Vethari may descend from a highly mobile ancestral population involved in early coastal migration networks that stretched far beyond the Indian Ocean, possibly linked by archaic seafaring routes and climatic shifts during the Holocene. This complex ancestry gives rise to a genetic mosaic shaped by ancient trade, long-distance voyages, and cultural diffusion. | |||
At the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) level, the Vethari exhibit dominant haplogroups M and R, common across the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia, but also carry low-frequency subclades such as M1 and U6, which are more typically found in North and Northeast Africa, including among ancient Egyptian populations. These lineages suggest a trace of maternal gene flow from the Red Sea corridor or the Horn of Africa into early Vethari ancestry, possibly through pre-Bronze Age maritime exchanges or contact via the Arabian Sea. On the paternal side, while haplogroups O2a1-M95 and H1a1a-M82 remain dominant and link them to South and Southeast Asian populations, a minor yet persistent presence of haplogroup E1b1b—commonly associated with Afroasiatic-speaking groups including ancient Egyptians—adds another layer of complexity. Interestingly, a small segment of autosomal DNA in Vethari genomes shows affinity to indigenous Caribbean and southeastern North American groups, especially the Mayaimi people of the Florida peninsula, hinting at either ancient transoceanic drift populations or long-distance cultural diffusion mechanisms yet to be fully understood. | |||
Further whole-genome analysis supports the notion of a deeply diverse ancestry. Alongside typical South Asian signatures, the Vethari display a unique autosomal component that includes markers found in the Nile Valley and eastern Mediterranean, as well as low-frequency alleles overlapping with ancient Amerindian populations. This suggests the possibility of multiple waves of gene flow from distant coasts, potentially facilitated by early oceanic navigation technologies. Linguistically and culturally, the Vethari preserve ritual vocabularies and mythologies that bear unexpected parallels to both Nile Delta cosmology and certain motifs found among the Mayaimi and other pre-Columbian societies. Such patterns reinforce the idea of a group shaped by a long-standing maritime tradition, positioned at the intersection of global migratory currents and prehistoric human exploration. | |||
The genetic patterns observed among the Vethari also provide insight into the mother tongue versus father tongue hypothesis, particularly in the context of their diverse ancestry. The alignment of Y-chromosome haplogroup O2a1-M95 with the dominant Vethari language, which maintains some Austroasiatic grammatical features, supports the "father tongue" model of linguistic inheritance, indicating a strong paternal influence on language transmission. However, the presence of African-derived mtDNA lineages such as M1 and U6, as well as stable maternal retention of language within isolated Vethari clans, suggests that maternal lineage played a key role in preserving cultural identity during periods of external contact. This dual pattern implies that while the paternal line may have steered linguistic shifts during early expansion phases, the maternal line sustained continuity, anchoring the Vethari identity across generations of intercontinental interaction. | |||
The Vethari people exhibit a striking and distinctive appearance shaped by their unique genetic heritage and coastal environment. Their skin tone ranges from medium to deep brown, well-suited to the tropical climate of their peninsula homeland. Their hair is typically thick and dark, varying between straight and wavy textures. One of their most remarkable features is their true natural violet eyes, a rare trait resulting from unique genetic mutations that affect the pigmentation and light-scattering properties of their irises. | |||
Their eye shape is generally almond-like or slightly hooded, occasionally showing subtle epicanthic folds. Facial structure among the Vethari is characterized by high cheekbones and broad to medium-width faces, with softly defined jawlines that give their features a gentle yet distinct appearance. Their noses vary from broad to medium width, with some individuals displaying narrower nasal bridges that hint at ancient North African influence. Lips tend to be medium to full in shape, complementing their overall facial harmony. | |||
In terms of stature, the Vethari are taller than average compared to many neighboring populations. Men commonly range between 175 and 185 centimeters (approximately 5'9" to 6'1"), while women average between 165 and 175 centimeters (around 5'5" to 5'9"). Their physiques are typically lean and muscular, reflecting an active lifestyle centered around fishing, seafaring, and farming along the coast. | |||
Genetically, the Vethari carry dominant mitochondrial DNA haplogroups M and R, common across South and Southeast Asia, alongside low-frequency North African subclades such as M1 and U6. On the paternal side, their Y-chromosome haplogroups primarily include O2a1-M95 and H1a1a-M82, linking them to regional South and Southeast Asian groups, but they also exhibit a minor presence of E1b1b, a haplogroup associated with Afroasiatic-speaking populations including ancient Egyptians. What sets them apart further are unique mutations in the OCA2 and HERC2 genes, which are responsible for their distinct violet eye pigmentation. | |||
Additionally, some Vethari individuals show occasional craniofacial variations, such as elongated skull shapes or pronounced brow ridges, traits that add to the diversity and complexity of their physical appearance. Altogether, these characteristics paint a picture of a genetically and physically unique people, shaped by millennia of maritime migration, cultural exchange, and adaptation to their coastal environment. | |||
=== Violet Eyes: The main characteristic === | |||
The Vethari's violet eyes are a rare and striking feature, resulting from a unique genetic mutation that affects the pigmentation of the iris. Unlike the commonly known blue eyes, which arise from a reduction in melanin, violet eyes in humans are due to a combination of factors that lead to a distinct light scattering effect and a subtle presence of red pigments in the iris. This condition is not associated with albinism, as the Vethari individuals with violet eyes possess normal amounts of melanin in their skin and hair. | |||
The primary genetic determinant of eye color in humans involves the OCA2 gene, which encodes a protein crucial for melanin production. Variations in this gene, particularly in its regulatory regions, can lead to different eye colors. In the case of the Vethari, a specific mutation in the OCA2 gene, possibly in conjunction with other genetic factors, results in the unique violet hue of their eyes. This mutation affects the way light is scattered and absorbed by the iris, creating the violet appearance. | |||
Additionally, the HERC2 gene, located near OCA2, plays a significant role in regulating OCA2 expression. A well-known single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) in HERC2, rs12913832, has been associated with blue eye color by reducing OCA2 expression. However, in the Vethari, a different variant or combination of variants in the HERC2 gene may lead to a different modulation of OCA2 expression, contributing to the violet eye color. The exact genetic mechanisms remain a subject of ongoing research. | |||
The inheritance of violet eyes in the Vethari follows a complex pattern, likely involving multiple genes and their interactions. It is not a simple Mendelian trait but rather a polygenic characteristic, meaning it results from the combined effects of several genetic factors. This complexity makes the violet eye color a distinctive and rare feature within the Vethari population. | |||
The Vethari's geographic isolation on their peninsula has played a crucial role in preserving the violet eye trait. Limited gene flow from outside populations has allowed unique genetic characteristics, such as violet eyes, to remain within the community. This isolation has also helped maintain other distinctive features and cultural practices that define the Vethari people. | |||
However, the increasing connectivity of the modern world poses challenges to the preservation of such unique traits. Intermarriage with neighboring populations and exposure to different genetic pools may introduce new genetic variations, potentially diluting the frequency of the violet eye trait over time. | |||
== Morphology == | == Morphology == | ||
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Vethari has a Dependent-Marking morphology, as well as not being syncretic on both nouns and verbs. It also has a Five-way contrast demonstrative system. | Vethari has a Dependent-Marking morphology, as well as not being syncretic on both nouns and verbs. It also has a Five-way contrast demonstrative system. | ||
=== Verbs === | === Verbs === | ||
Vethari verbs are constructed by a series of affixes put together with the verb root to form the form. When auxiliary verbs are used, they are put before the verb. The infinitive is the verb root + -ku. The participle is made by putting “fnu” before the verb. When doing the past participle, “fnu” is put after the conjugation of Gusu(to have). To do the Aorist Participle and Future or Present Participle, “fnu” needs to be before the verb whose participle will be made. When with (*), it means that it must have the affix. | Vethari verbs are constructed by a series of affixes put together with the verb root to form the form. When auxiliary verbs are used, they are put before the verb. The infinitive is the verb root + -ku. The participle is made by putting “fnu” before the verb. When doing the past participle, “fnu” is put after the conjugation of Gusu(to have). To do the Aorist Participle and Future or Present Participle, “fnu” needs to be before the verb whose participle will be made. When with (*), it means that it must have the affix. | ||
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In Proto-Vethari, verbs declined to volition, so, anyways, even being transitive, verbs could be marked as intentional or unintentional, knowing that currently only intransitive verbs can do that. However, those verbs that marked volition including on the infinitive, evolved into the current verb pairs that only have one subject case. | In Proto-Vethari, verbs declined to volition, so, anyways, even being transitive, verbs could be marked as intentional or unintentional, knowing that currently only intransitive verbs can do that. However, those verbs that marked volition including on the infinitive, evolved into the current verb pairs that only have one subject case. | ||
Besides those verbs that evolved from quirky subjects, there are other verbs specially for people that make vs. who receive the action. For example: 'to kill' ''Monaku'' (used only in the Agentive) vs. 'to die' ''Midonaku'' (used only in the Patientive). | Besides those verbs that evolved from quirky subjects, there are other verbs specially for people that make vs. who receive the action. For example: 'to kill' ''Monaku'' (used only in the Agentive) vs. 'to die' ''Midonaku'' (used only in the Patientive). This goes along with causativity, since causative sentences show volition in their verbs, as they turn A, into a transitive clause, with the original subject S becoming the object O. Like shown, before, this makes verbs turn from (to X) into (to make X), with the former being in the Patientive and the latter in the Agentive, so, to die, as in Vethari, it is Patientive, whereas “to kill” is in the Agentive. This is because when you kill someone, you made that, because it was voluntary, or even being involuntary, you ''caused'' something to die, as opposed when something dies, for example: you kill someone, not *die someone. | ||
==== Irregular Verbs ==== | ==== Irregular Verbs ==== | ||
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The Vetitive mood is used only when warning someone that there’ll be consequences for something like prohibiting from doing something, or constructions like: “Beware …”. It’s also used to show impossible things like imagining something that will never happen or a dream. It’s also functions like a “mustn’t”. Negation like “-mu-“ is used for more brief and superficial cases, when nothing big happens. | The Vetitive mood is used only when warning someone that there’ll be consequences for something like prohibiting from doing something, or constructions like: “Beware …”. It’s also used to show impossible things like imagining something that will never happen or a dream. It’s also functions like a “mustn’t”. Negation like “-mu-“ is used for more brief and superficial cases, when nothing big happens. | ||
==== Adjectives ==== | ==== Telicity ==== | ||
Vethari distinguishes telic and atelic actions by using different structures and cases on the direct object. Telic actions mean that the action is complete, however, atelic actions mean that they are not complete or don’t have an endpoint. Because there will always be an incorporated verb, it is shown by particles. Those particles define the case of the direct object, but only agentive and patientive, with others left out, just like normal incorporated nouns. | |||
Telicity is optional to use, however, on some situations, it night be good to know to clarify what’s going on. | |||
Telic and atelic actions can cause case stacking. When on telic actions, the direct object is on the patientive case, whereas on atelic actions, the agentive case is used. An example with a telic action: | |||
: Ta-cyi-rja-kasyada-wan madha | |||
: 1SG.AGT-IND-AOR-shoot-bear TEL.PAT | |||
: I shot the bear!(And I killed it) | |||
And now with an atelic action: | |||
: Ta-cyi-rja-kasyada-wan vaima | |||
: 1SG.AGT-IND-AOR-shoot-bear TEL.AGT | |||
: I shot the bear!(But it stayed alive/Didn’t get it right) | |||
==== Noun Incorporation ==== | |||
Nouns, when they are incorporated into transitive verbs, lose their declension affixes, with only the root left. When nouns need to appear on an intransitive clause, they appear after the verb, with all the affixes. When on noun phrases, there is nothing special, with the nouns declining normally. There is no “class agreement”, instead of gender agreement, so adjectives don’t have any agreement with the object they are giving characteristics. All adjectives are singulare tantum. They also don’t decline. Adjectives appear after the noun. There are no articles for adjectives. | |||
=== Adjectives === | |||
For adjectives, there are no articles and they are the same for singular and plural. For the comparative, the structure “i rre ?” is used, with ‘?’ Being the adjective. For the superlative, the structure “sopa ?” is used. | For adjectives, there are no articles and they are the same for singular and plural. For the comparative, the structure “i rre ?” is used, with ‘?’ Being the adjective. For the superlative, the structure “sopa ?” is used. | ||
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For the negative, special constructions are used. For the comparative, “rura ?” is used to mean “less ? than”. For the superlative, “ata ?” it means “the least ?” and for the Absolute Superlative, “ror ?”, that stands for “the least ?” again, but it works the same way as “very ?”, but in the negative. | For the negative, special constructions are used. For the comparative, “rura ?” is used to mean “less ? than”. For the superlative, “ata ?” it means “the least ?” and for the Absolute Superlative, “ror ?”, that stands for “the least ?” again, but it works the same way as “very ?”, but in the negative. | ||
==== | ==== Diminutive and Augmentative ==== | ||
Vethari uses the augmentative and diminutive both on nouns and adjectives. They are usually highly irregular, however, there are some regular nouns and adjectives, which forms are made by reduplication. For the diminutive, a partial reduplication is made, by doubling the first syllable, however, a full reduplication is made when on the augmentative. They are not always used, instead, the normal adjectives for big and small are used. | |||
: Wan-nu-Ø-tri-wannutri igi wan-wan-nu-tri. | |||
: bear-DEF-SG-AGT-RED and bear-bear-DEF-AGT | |||
: A big bear and a small bear(Literally: A bear bear and a be-bear) | |||
=== Pronouns === | === Pronouns === | ||
Pronouns are quite difficult in Vethari. The basic forms, are the Agentive and Patientive affixes on verbs. They usually appear as affixes, but sometimes alone, like answering questions like: Who was it? | Pronouns are quite difficult in Vethari. The basic forms, are the Agentive and Patientive affixes on verbs. They usually appear as affixes, but sometimes alone, like answering questions like: Who was it? | ||
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=== Nouns === | === Nouns === | ||
Like verbs, complete noun forms are based on affixes, that change by classes. Nouns have case syncretism. There are specific affixes for each category; Case, Class, Number and Definiteness. There are no genders, instead, there are classes. Although there are different affixes for each class, there is no Patientive and Singular affix on every class. | Like verbs, complete noun forms are based on affixes, that change by classes. Nouns have case syncretism. There are specific affixes for each category; Case, Class, Number and Definiteness. There are no genders, instead, there are classes. Although there are different affixes for each class, there is no Patientive and Singular affix on every class. | ||
==== Alienable and Inalienable Possession ==== | |||
Nouns used to have specific particles when showing that they are the alienable or inalienable forms. Each of them was formed by a suffix. They only occurred when in Class 1, that corresponds to the Late Classical and Modern Vethari’s Congealic and Pillaric classes. They were transformed into other suffixes later, resulting in the nowadays forms. Pillaric was the inalienable possession nouns and Congealic was the alienable possession nouns. In other Vethari languages, these types of possessions were shown by dative and genitive particles. | |||
====Classes of Nouns and their affixes==== | ====Classes of Nouns and their affixes==== | ||
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: /'ci.ɾo e'pˠo.la 'i.gi ja.ma'ɾɯ ɭu.çi.kle.eu.ɺe.ku.na.pu.ɾang mu.tu'ɾaj pi.ɾi.was.mu.gɾi'gol 'i.gi fi.ʤe.gas.mu.gɾi'gol | 'i.gi si.ɲe.ga.loi.mu'gajl ɭo.çi.kle.ɟa.za.ni.je.e.pˠu.ɾo'tui | : /'ci.ɾo e'pˠo.la 'i.gi ja.ma'ɾɯ ɭu.çi.kle.eu.ɺe.ku.na.pu.ɾang mu.tu'ɾaj pi.ɾi.was.mu.gɾi'gol 'i.gi fi.ʤe.gas.mu.gɾi'gol | 'i.gi si.ɲe.ga.loi.mu'gajl ɭo.çi.kle.ɟa.za.ni.je.e.pˠu.ɾo'tui | ||
:'i.gi ɭa.ju.ʝu.ʎe.a.pˠu.ɾa ko.çi.vau.zu'qol ða.nas.gko. ɻe.xli.zu'gel/ | :'i.gi ɭa.ju.ʝu.ʎe.a.pˠu.ɾa ko.çi.vau.zu'qol ða.nas.gko.ɻe.xli.zu'gel/ | ||
: [ci̞.ɾ̞o̞ | : [ci̞.ɾ̞o̞ eˈpˠo̞.la̞ ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ja̠.ma̠ˈɾɯ̟ ɭu̟.çi̟.kʰle̞̽.u̟.ɺe̞.kʰu̟.na̠.pʰu̟.ˈɾãŋ mu̟.tʰu̟ˈɾa̝j̟ p̚i̞.ɾ̞i̞.ˈwas̟.mu̟.ɡɾi̞ˈgo̞l̪ ˈi̞.ɡi̞ fi̞.ʤe̞̽.ɡas̟.mu̟.ɡɾi̞ˈgo̞l̪ | ˈi̞.ɡi̞ si̞.ɲe̞̽.ɡa̠.lo̞ɪ̯.mu̟ˈɡaɪ̯l̪ ɭo̟.çi̟.kʰle̞.ɟa̟.za̟.ni̞.je̞.e̞.pˠu̟.ɾo̟ˈtˣʷui̯ | ||
:ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ɭa̟.ju̠.ʝu̠.ʎe̟.a̟. | :ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ɭa̟.ju̠.ʝu̠.ʎe̟.a̟.pˠu̟ˈɾa̟ ko̞.çi̟.ˈvau̯.zu̟.qo̞l̪ ða̞.nas̟.gko̠.ɻe̞.xli̞.zʰu̟ˈɡel̪] | ||
: | :⟦c̞i̞.ɾ̞o̞ eˈpˠo̞.l̪a̞ ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ja̠.m̻a̠ˈɾ̠ɯ̟ ɭ̟u̟.çi̟.kʰ͡l̪e̞̽.u̟.ɺ̠e̞.ku̟.n̪a̠.pʰʷu̟.ˈɾ̃ãŋ̟ m̻u̟.tʰ̪u̟ˈɾ̈a̝j̟ p̚i̞.ɾ̞i̞.ˈwä̠s̟.m̻u̟.ɡɾ̞i̞ˈɡ̞o̞l̪ | ||
:ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ɸi̞.ʤ̞e̞̽.ɡä̠s̟.m̻u̟.ɡɾ̞i̞ˈɡ̞o̞l̪ | ˈi̞.ɡi̞ s̻i̞.ɲe̞̽.ɡᵆa̠.l̪o̞ɪ̯.m̻u̟ˈɡäɪ̯l̪ ɭ̟o̟.çi̟.kʰ͡l̪e̞.ɟ̟a̠.z̻a̠.n̪i̞.je̞.e̞.pˠu̟.ɾ̠o̟ˈtˣʷui̯ | |||
:ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ɭa̟.ju̠.ʝ̞u̠.ʎe̟.a̟.pˠu̟ˈɾa̟ kʰo̞.çi̟.ˈvᵓɐu̯ᵊ.zu̟.qʰo̞l̪ ð̞a̞.n̪as̟.ᶢkʰo̠.ɻ̞e̞.x͈li̞.zʰu̟ˈɡ̞el̪⟧ | |||
== See Also == | == See Also == | ||