Vethari: Difference between revisions

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Vethari is the official language of Vetharin, a kingdom located north in the Vetharin Peninsula, that goes off the northeast coast of India into the Bay of Bengal. It’s the mother tongue from 63.5 million people, that is 96% of the country’s population of 66.1 million, although it is not spoken so much on the west and south regions. On the other hand, it is spoken at a certain level on the other side of the border with India, with around 2 million speakers there. During World War II, a massive immigration from Vethari occurred, scattering speaker all across the world, but specially on England, Brazil, United States and Spain.
Vethari is the official language of Vetharin, a kingdom located north in the Vetharin Peninsula, that goes off the northeast coast of India into the Bay of Bengal. It’s the mother tongue from 63.5 million people, that is 96% of the country’s population of 66.1 million, although it is not spoken so much on the west and south regions. On the other hand, it is spoken at a certain level on the other side of the border with India, with around 2 million speakers there. During World War II, a massive immigration from Vethari occurred, scattering speaker all across the world, but specially on England, Brazil, United States and Spain.


Vethari has only 2 dialects, although there is a standard form, that is the one taught in the schools and also the one that it is studied in this article. Vethari uses the Vethari script, that evolved from the Brahmi script. It is an abugida, like its ancestor. A standard romanization was made in 1898 and it used on guides, grammar books and transcriptions. The romanization is used on this article for being easier to understand. On certain places of Vetharin, people write with the Latin alphabet. Vethari is an agglutinative, Fluid-S Active-Stative morphosyntactically aligned language.
Vethari has only main 2 dialects, although there is a standard form, that is the one taught in the schools and also the one that it is studied in this article. Vethari uses the Vethari script, that evolved from the Brahmi script. It is an abugida, like its ancestor. A standard romanization was made in 1898 and it used on guides, grammar books and transcriptions. The romanization is used on this article for being easier to understand. On certain places of Vetharin, people write with the Latin alphabet. Vethari is an agglutinative, Verb-Framing, Subject-Prominent, Fluid-S Active-Stative morphosyntactically aligned language.
 
The Vethari languages are apparently an isolated group, being one of the world’s primary languages families. Although this is the accepted theory nowadays, there already had lots of other ones. For example, connecting the Vethari family with the Austronesian family and even with the Japonic languages. In 1767, the linguist and grammarian Satuwo Uteppe released an 647-page book that proved that Vethari is related to Sino-Tibetan. In 1808, in a grammar of Vethari, it is shown some evidence that Vethari is related to Austroasiatic languages, specially with the Munda branch. In conclusion, the grammar is so different from other languages that it may even be possible to be related to some other family, however, with the nowadays technology and researches, it can’t be proved.  


== Phonology ==
== Phonology ==
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|
|}
|}
* /n̼/ is an allophone of /n/ when it appears as a coda.
* /ⱱ/ is an allophone of /v/ before '/e/' and '/i/'
* /ɽ/ is an allophone of /r/ before front vowels.
* /ɢ/ is an allophone of /q/ word initially.
* /f/ might be realized as /β̞/ by the Highlands Dialect speakers.


=== Vowels ===
=== Vowels ===
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| '''à''' /ɒ/
| '''à''' /ɒ/
|}
|}
* /ä/ is an allophone of /a/ after Fricatives and Flaps.
* /e̞/ is an allophone of /e/ after Fricatives and Flaps.


=== Phonotactics ===
=== Phonotactics ===
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Consonant clusters are permitted in onset position, but are subject to strict rules. Common onset clusters include stop + glide (e.g., /pj/, /kj/, /gj/) and stop + lateral (e.g., /pl/, /kl/, /bl/), though not all combinations are allowed. Retroflex and velarized consonants almost never appear in clusters, and instead tend to occur in singleton positions. Clusters in coda position are extremely limited and generally dispreferred; most codas contain a single nasal (/n/, /ɲ/, /ɳ/) or a stop (/p/, /t/, /k/).
Consonant clusters are permitted in onset position, but are subject to strict rules. Common onset clusters include stop + glide (e.g., /pj/, /kj/, /gj/) and stop + lateral (e.g., /pl/, /kl/, /bl/), though not all combinations are allowed. Retroflex and velarized consonants almost never appear in clusters, and instead tend to occur in singleton positions. Clusters in coda position are extremely limited and generally dispreferred; most codas contain a single nasal (/n/, /ɲ/, /ɳ/) or a stop (/p/, /t/, /k/).


Vowels appear as syllable nuclei and never as codas. Diphthongs are not phonemic in this language; sequences like /ai/, /ei/, or /au/ are analyzed as separate syllables, often broken by a glide or a consonantal transition. The vowel system distinguishes between front (/i/, /e/), central (/ə/, /a/), and back vowels (/u/, /o/, /ɔ/, /ɒ/, /ʏ/, /ɯ/), each with clear distributional tendencies. Rounded front vowels like /ʏ/ occur primarily in closed syllables or as part of morphological alternations. The high back unrounded vowel /ɯ/ is restricted to unstressed syllables or function words.
Some diphthongs are not phonemic in this language; sequences like /ai/, /ei/, or /au/ are analyzed as separate syllables, often broken by a glide or a consonantal transition. The vowel system distinguishes between front (/i/, /e/), central (/ə/, /a/), and back vowels (/u/, /o/, /ɔ/, /ɒ/, /ʏ/, /ɯ/), each with clear distributional tendencies.


Velarized consonants such as /pˠ/, /tˠ/, /kˠ/, /ʈˠ/, and /ʂˠ/ never occur next to front vowels like /i/ or /e/. They prefer low and back vowels, such as /ɒ/, /ɔ/, or /ɯ/, reflecting articulatory harmony. Their distribution is also limited by stress and syllable weight; for instance, velarized consonants often appear in stressed root syllables or as markers of emphasis. Retroflex segments—particularly /ʈ/, /ɖ/, /ɳ/, and /ɭ/—tend to be root-internal and are rarely found in affixes, which are more likely to contain plain coronal or palatal consonants.
Velarized consonants such as /pˠ/, /tˠ/, /kˠ/, /ʈˠ/, and /ʂˠ/ usually don’t occur next to front vowels like /i/ or /e/. They prefer low and back vowels, such as /ɒ/, /ɔ/, or /ɯ/, reflecting articulatory harmony. Their distribution is also limited by stress and syllable weight; for instance, velarized consonants often appear in stressed root syllables or as markers of emphasis. Retroflex segments—particularly /ʈ/, /ɖ/, /ɳ/, and /ɭ/—tend to be root-internal and are rarely found in affixes, which are more likely to contain plain coronal or palatal consonants.


Affricates /ʧ/ and /ʤ/ only occur syllable-initially, never in codas or clusters. They are often used in expressive or ideophonic vocabulary. Fricatives are more flexible: /f/, /s/, /ʂ/, /θ/, and /x/ can occur in both onset and coda positions, while their voiced counterparts /v/, /z/, /ð/, and /ʒ/ are mostly restricted to onsets. Palatal fricatives /ç/ and /ʃ/—written as cy and sy—appear only before front vowels and cannot occur after back vowels. The voiced palatal fricative /ʝ/ (gy) and the approximants /ɻ/, /j/, and /ɰ/ appear frequently in medial position, helping to transition between vowels.
Affricates /ʧ/ and /ʤ/ only occur syllable-initially, never in codas or clusters. They are often used in expressive or ideophonic vocabulary. Fricatives are more flexible: /f/, /s/, /ʂ/, /θ/, and /x/ can occur in both onset and coda positions, while their voiced counterparts /v/, /z/, /ð/, and /ʒ/ are mostly restricted to onsets. Palatal fricatives /ç/ and /ʃ/—written as cy and sy—appear only before front vowels and cannot occur after back vowels. The voiced palatal fricative /ʝ/ (gy) and the approximants /ɻ/, /j/, and /ɰ/ appear frequently in medial position, helping to transition between vowels.


Nasals play a central role in phonotactics. The contrast between /n/, /ɲ/, and /ɳ/ is fully phonemic and occurs in all positions. The retroflex nasal /ɳ/ usually appears in environments where other retroflex consonants are also present, often due to regressive assimilation. The palatal nasal /ɲ/ commonly appears before front vowels, and is usually represented as ny. Approximants such as /w/, /j/, and /ɰ/ cannot appear in syllable-final position, and /ɻ/ is limited to stressed onsets. The flap or tap is not part of this phonemic system at all.
Nasals play a central role in phonotactics. The contrast between /n/, /ɲ/, and /ɳ/ is fully phonemic and occurs in all positions. The retroflex nasal /ɳ/ usually appears in environments where other retroflex consonants are also present, often due to regressive assimilation. The palatal nasal /ɲ/ commonly appears before front vowels, and is usually represented as ny. Approximants such as /w/, /j/, and /ɰ/ cannot appear in syllable-final position, and /ɻ/ usually appears on stressed onsets.


Lateral consonants /l/, /ʎ/, and /ɭ/ have strict distribution. The plain /l/ is the most common and occurs freely in onsets and codas. The palatal lateral /ʎ/ (ly) only occurs before /i/ or /e/, and never after back vowels. The retroflex lateral /ɭ/ (rl) occurs almost exclusively in medial position, often within roots or compounds, and avoids front vowels entirely. These laterals never appear geminated or in complex clusters. Morphophonemic processes involving these sounds tend to preserve their quality rather than undergo assimilation.
Lateral consonants /l/, /ʎ/, and /ɭ/ have strict distribution. The plain /l/ is the most common and occurs freely in onsets and codas. The palatal lateral /ʎ/ (ly) only occurs before /i/ or /e/, and never after back vowels. The retroflex lateral /ɭ/ (rl) occurs almost exclusively in medial position, often within roots or compounds, and avoids front vowels entirely. These laterals never appear geminated or in complex clusters. Morphophonemic processes involving these sounds tend to preserve their quality rather than undergo assimilation.


Stress interacts with phonotactics by allowing heavier or more marked consonants in stressed syllables. For example, velarized and retroflex consonants are favored in stressed roots, while palatals and glides dominate in unstressed affixes. Final syllables are stressed when closed by a consonant or contain a lower vowel like /ɒ/ or /ɔ/, while otherwise, penultimate stress is the norm. Vowel reduction does not occur dramatically, but centralization of high vowels to /ə/ is attested in fast speech, particularly in grammatical endings. Words cannot end in consonants, and also, there aren’t geminated consonants.
Stress interacts with phonotactics by allowing heavier or more marked consonants in stressed syllables. For example, velarized and retroflex consonants are favored in stressed roots, while palatals and glides dominate in unstressed affixes. Final syllables are stressed when closed by a consonant or contain a lower vowel like /ɒ/ or /ɔ/, while otherwise, penultimate stress is the norm. Vowel reduction does not occur dramatically, but centralization of high vowels to /ə/ is attested in fast speech, particularly in grammatical endings. Words cannot end in consonants, and also, there aren’t geminated consonants.
=== Prosody ===
=== Prosody ===
==== Rhythm, Intonation and Stress ====
==== Rhythm, Intonation and Stress ====
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* 94 words inherited from Proto-Austronesian and related languages
* 94 words inherited from Proto-Austronesian and related languages
* 66 words inherited from Proto-Great-Andamanese and related languages
* 66 words inherited from Proto-Great-Andamanese and related languages
* 28 words inherited from Proto-Hmong-Mien and related languages
* 18 words inherited from Proto-Hmong-Mien and related languages
* 10 words inherited from Proto-Ongan and related languages.


Because of being an advanced civilization, lots of techniques and scientific terms are native words. For example, from the 118 periodic elements, 37 have native words for it, since they were discovered before other words being borrowed for them. Basically, the other remaining elements are adapted borrowings from French and English, to fit into the phonotactics. Other recent technologies are usually borrowed from Telugu, Bengali, Burmese or Thai. The calendary is the Gregorian calendary and each month has its name based on things that happen on that time, for example the time to harvest, the month that is cold and more.
Because of being an advanced civilization, lots of techniques and scientific terms are native words. For example, from the 118 periodic elements, 37 have native words for it, since they were discovered before other words being borrowed for them. Basically, the other remaining elements are adapted borrowings from French and English, to fit into the phonotactics. Other recent technologies are usually borrowed from Telugu, Bengali, Burmese or Thai. The calendary is the Gregorian calendary and each month has its name based on things that happen on that time, for example the time to harvest, the month that is cold and more.
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Kinship terms on Vethari are pretty complex. Terms change completely when the person is biologically female/masculine, since there are no genders in the language. Exclusive names go for at maximum every person related to you in 3 generations, including your spouse/husband, so those names changes if they are from your partner’s family. After that, people related but distant are called 'prakhninau'. There are names for lots of people, for example:  My mother’s-in-law mom is Gurunisyinumi. For people starting with 'step-', the suffix 'egu(l)-' is put. People starting with 'grand-', after the grand-grand-grand-???, is 'fyu(l)-'.
Kinship terms on Vethari are pretty complex. Terms change completely when the person is biologically female/masculine, since there are no genders in the language. Exclusive names go for at maximum every person related to you in 3 generations, including your spouse/husband, so those names changes if they are from your partner’s family. After that, people related but distant are called 'prakhninau'. There are names for lots of people, for example:  My mother’s-in-law mom is Gurunisyinumi. For people starting with 'step-', the suffix 'egu(l)-' is put. People starting with 'grand-', after the grand-grand-grand-???, is 'fyu(l)-'.
=== Punctuation ===
Vethari uses lots of punctuation that are the same in English, such as the period(.), exclamation mark(!) and quote marks(“„).)
Punctuations in math and other subjects do not change, such as parenthesis and brackets.
Some other punctuations that differ from the English ones are: (❬ ❭) “Jate”, used to show irony in a  sentence, (⧼ ⧽) “Thu”, used to show admiration and positivity, however, if two of them on each side, it means the exact opposite. The tricolon/Tesyepagi (⁝) is used to explain something that was mentioned but there was nothing about it.  An example in English with the tricolon would be: “An example with it would be⁝”. A double dot or an apostrophe is used as a comma.
=== Numbers ===
Vethari’s number system is a bit different than other languages’. Numbers from 1-7 have a name for each, from 8 to 10 is like: (10-2 and 10-1), while ten has a different name. From 11-17 is the same (10 + 1, 2, …) and 18 is like (20-2 and 20-1). From thirty beyond(until 70) is like: (3 x 10, 4 x 10, …, 7 x 10) and then, 80 and 90 is (100 - 20 and 100 - 10). 88 for example is [(20 - 100) + (10 - 2)]. Every other number that is a multiple of 10(100, 1000, 1000000, …) has a number, while their variations (200, 4000, 9000000, …) work the same way [(2,3,… x ?)]. A big number for example is 1 809 114 [1 000 000 + (10 - 2) x 100 + 9 + 100 - 10 + 4]. They also decline for case, number and definiteness.


=== Idiomatic Phrases ===
=== Idiomatic Phrases ===
Vethari is a largely idiomatic language. For foreign speakers, even though they understand every single word, it might be difficult to understand its meaning. for example, instead of saying “Cheese!” when taking a photo, people say ''Reutthisimagemonutai/Foutthisimagemonutai'', literally “Show me half”, from the smile being like a ''half-circle''. Other example is Vimomasumu?: literally “Can’t you roar?”(ironically). Equivalent to “It’s all Greek to me”.
=== Measure Words ===
In Vethari, some nouns require measure words to refer to them, the same way English uses, for instance, 'a ''carton'' of milk' and not just simply 'a milk'.
Measure words don’t decline and sometimes don’t have a translation to English.
Not every noun require a measure words, however, there’s a set of 81 nouns that need those, for example:
: Bomolukritil dyemi finigoporditri.
: two-DEF-PL-AGT MEA bird-DEF-PL-AGT
: Two birds.
In this case, ''dyemi'' is the measure word for bird, which means this noun always need to be accompanied by this word.


=== Swadesh List ===
=== Swadesh List ===
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The most used list nowadays is the Swadesh 207-word list, adapted from Swadesh 1952.
The most used list nowadays is the Swadesh 207-word list, adapted from Swadesh 1952.
{| class="wikitable collapsible collapsed"
!colspan="4"|Swadesh list
|-
! width="25%"|1-52
! width="25%"|53-104
! width="25%"|105-156
! width="25%"|157-207
|-
| '''1.''' ta “I” <br> tu “I” || '''53.''' inviga “stick” || '''105.''' suysansaku “to smell” || '''157.''' cyeida “sand”
|-
| '''2.''' vi “you” <br> ru “you” || '''54.''' kapo “fruit” || '''106.''' moimanduku “to fear” || '''158.''' fuza “dust”
|-
| '''3.''' li “he/she/it” <br> le “he/she/it” || '''55.''' iufa “seed” || '''107.''' simiguku “to sleep” || '''159.''' epsponda “earth”
|-
| '''4.''' jo “we” <br> ju “we” || '''56.''' wekkima “leaf” || '''108.''' seuku “to live” || '''160.''' cirua “cloud”
|-
| '''5.'''  fu “you” <br> fo “you” ||''' 57.''' ifuda “root” || '''109.''' midonaku “to die” || '''161.''' efonda “fog”
|-
| '''6.''' rlo “they” <br> rlu “they” || '''58.''' ganze “bark” || '''110.''' monaku “to kill” || '''162.''' sumuno “sky”
|-
| '''7.''' kima “this” || '''59.''' ekuya “flower” || '''111.''' syensyenku “to fight” || '''163.''' uigura “wind”
|-
| '''8.''' cyusmu “that” || '''60.''' ewajò “grass” || '''112.''' instuku “to hunt”  || '''164.''' safou “snow”
|-
| '''9.''' oigu “here” || '''61.''' vojogugo  “rope” || '''113.''' jutaku “to hit” || '''165.''' usryo “ice”
|-
| '''10.''' toigan “there” || '''62.''' sua “skin” || '''114.''' cyinsyaku “to cut” || '''166.''' tthà “smoke”
|-
| '''11.''' niri “who” || '''63.''' sigamè “meat” || '''115.''' ifiusaku “to split” || '''167.''' onfu “fire”
|-
| '''12.''' nuru “what” || '''64.''' laus “blood” || '''116.''' cyinku “to stab” || '''168.''' asga “ash”
|-
| '''13.''' nara “where” || '''65.''' kiyu “bone” || '''117.''' zowaku “to scratch” || '''169.''' finku “to burn”
|-
| '''14.''' senu “when” || '''66.''' syaywa “fat” || '''118.''' duyswaku “to dig” || '''170.''' ernu “road”
|-
| '''15.''' nere “how” || '''67.''' cyutu “egg” || '''119.''' yuwonku “to swim” || '''171.''' masmaraytha “mountain”
|-
| '''16.''' mu “not” || '''68.''' cuiru “horn” || '''120.''' foku “to fly” || '''172.''' esami “red”
|-
| '''17.''' ciro “all” || '''69.''' kabana “tail” || '''121.''' qupiku “to walk” || '''173.''' vilo “green”
|-
| '''18.''' saso “many” || '''70.''' icyema “feather” || '''122.''' fiwaku “to come” || '''174.''' siki “yellow”
|-
| '''19.''' èymu “some” || '''71.''' ekans “hair” || '''123.''' luranku “to lie” || '''175.''' intupo “white”
|-
| '''20.''' turu “few” || '''72.''' euwa “head” <br>       avisto “head” || '''124.''' goseku “to sit” || '''176.''' kana “black”
|-
| '''21.''' nyere “other” || '''73.''' icyya “ear” || '''125.''' dhoku “to stand” || '''177.''' fansa “night”
|-
| '''22.''' ukun “one” || '''74.''' irs “eye” || '''126.''' klaustaku “to turn” || '''178.''' qouqo “day”
|-
| '''23.''' bomo “two” || '''75.''' wekkordi “nose” || '''127.''' abaluku “to fall” || '''179.''' sibuo “year”
|-
| '''24.''' istiu “three” || '''76.''' ganago “mouth” || '''128.''' qubaku “to give” || '''180.''' irro “warm”
|-
| '''25.''' gù “four” || '''77.''' dasano “tooth” || '''129.''' ìrupoku “to hold” || '''181.''' veklo “cold”
|-
| '''26.''' fradru “five” || '''78.''' tayuto “tongue” || '''130.''' kankanku “to squeeze” || '''182.''' fatyu “full”
|-
| '''27.''' rdo “big” || '''79.''' sugusa “fingernail” || '''131.''' yefeyku “to rub” || '''183.''' dubu “new”
|-
| '''28.''' civo “long” || '''80.''' ftu “foot” || '''132.''' thosuku “to wash” || '''184.''' usarda “old”
|-
| '''29.''' èvua “wide” || '''81.''' cyìsu “leg” || '''133.''' konskauku “to wipe” || '''185.''' doso “good”
|-
| '''30.''' fiju “thick” || '''82.''' urne “knee” || '''134.''' tyisàfku “to pull” || '''186.''' wamoru “bad”
|-
| '''31.''' kketans “heavy” || '''83.''' payyu “hand” || '''135.''' irsku “to push” || '''187.''' turon “rotten”
|-
| '''32.''' frè “little” || '''84.''' katauga “wing” || '''136.''' siloku “to throw” || '''188.''' fonye “dirty”
|-
| '''33.''' dhaufi “short” || '''85.''' qudra “belly” || '''137.''' farssaku “to tie” || '''189.''' rsiniu “straight”
|-
| '''34.''' thaie “narrow” || '''86.''' isura “guts” || '''138.''' suruaku “to sew” || '''190.''' unga “round”
|-
| '''35.''' noroi “thin” || '''87.''' cyunis “neck” || '''139.''' pripiku “to count” || '''191.''' zan “sharp”
|-
| '''36.''' aqewa “woman” || '''88.''' tunu “back” || '''140.''' egaku “to say” || '''192.''' uws “dull”
|-
| '''37.''' nata “man” || '''89.''' beyou “breast” || '''141.''' okhoaku “to sing” || '''193.''' lanans “smooth”
|-
| '''38.''' kunapurang “human being” || '''90.''' potumok “heart” || '''142.''' sayenku “to play” || '''194.''' ttidu “wet”
|-
| '''39.''' gosru “child” || '''91.''' urs “liver” || '''143.''' balaku “to float” || '''195.''' eptira “dry”
|-
| '''40.''' yanas “wife” || '''92.''' khaku “to drink” || '''144.''' gaku “to flow” || '''196.''' porsaya “correct”
|-
| '''41.''' vogvokfu “husband” || '''93.''' dyasyidyaku “to eat” || '''145.''' tyaku “to freeze” || '''197.''' neuno “near”
|-
| '''42.''' dhiza “mother” || '''94.''' salajuku “to bite” || '''146.''' ungoku “to swell” || '''198.''' oriyu “far”
|-
| '''43.''' dhista “father” || '''95.''' gagauku “to suck” || '''147.''' wokla “sun” || '''199.''' rere “right”
|-
| '''44.''' varana “animal” || '''96.''' optuku “to spit” || '''148.''' ukuyu “moon” || '''200.''' uburo “left”
|-
| '''45.''' ufto “fish” || '''97.''' ikhyoku “to vomit” || '''149.''' syalasya “star” || '''201.''' (Locative Case) “at”
|-
| '''46.''' vavau “bird” || '''98.''' fufuku “to blow” || '''150.''' gloppo “water” || '''202''' (Locative Case) “in”
|-
| '''47.''' arafra “dog” || '''99.''' akhaku “to breathe” || '''151.''' syunurusyya “rain” || '''203.''' (Ornative-Comitative-Instrumental case used) “with”
|-
| '''48.''' wasama “louse” || '''100.''' khogoku “to laugh” || '''152.''' jewa “river” || '''204.''' igi “and”
|-
| '''49.''' sirun “snake” || '''101.''' ivriku “to see” || '''153.''' sawara “lake” || '''205.''' nave “if”
|-
| '''50.''' ugirsu “worm” || '''102.''' ìkhìku “to hear” || '''154.''' èbdwa “sea” || '''206.''' ruga “because”
|-
| '''51.''' misuzi “tree” || '''103.''' ouku “to know” || '''155.''' saza “salt” || '''207.''' impo “name”
|-
| '''52.''' misuzirda “forest” || '''104.''' àbàku “to think” || '''156.''' thuturnu “stone” ||
|}


== Dialects ==
== Dialects ==
The language has two major dialects spoken in distinct regions, each with its own lexical preferences, stylistic tendencies, and unique word formations. While mutually intelligible, the dialects are immediately recognizable by their choice of expressions, use of certain affixes, and subtle differences in how compounds are constructed. One dialect, often called the Highland variety, is spoken in inland, mountainous regions and tends to preserve older forms and more conservative structures. The other, known as the Coastal dialect, is found along the seaboard and exhibits more innovation and lexical fluidity due to trade, mobility, and cultural exchange.
The language has two major dialects(that inside have more dialects too) spoken in distinct regions, each with its own lexical preferences, stylistic tendencies, and unique word formations. While mutually intelligible, the dialects are immediately recognizable by their choice of expressions, use of certain affixes, and subtle differences in how compounds are constructed. One dialect, often called the Highland variety, is spoken in inland, mountainous regions and tends to preserve older forms and more conservative structures. The other, known as the Coastal dialect, is found along the seaboard and exhibits more innovation and lexical fluidity due to trade, mobility, and cultural exchange.


In the Highland dialect, words are often more compact and traditional. Speakers tend to favor archaic compound structures and maintain distinctions that have faded elsewhere. For instance, they retain older vocabulary for natural elements and kinship that have been replaced by broader or simpler forms in the Coastal dialect. The Highland variety also avoids certain abstract coinages, preferring to express concepts through metaphor or storytelling. A speaker might describe “forgiveness” not as a single abstract noun but as “the softening of stone,” invoking imagery to carry meaning.
In the Highland dialect, words are often more compact and traditional. Speakers tend to favor archaic compound structures and maintain distinctions that have faded elsewhere. For instance, they retain older vocabulary for natural elements and kinship that have been replaced by broader or simpler forms in the Coastal dialect. The Highland variety also avoids certain abstract coinages, preferring to express concepts through metaphor or storytelling. A speaker might describe “forgiveness” not as a single abstract noun but as “the softening of stone,” invoking imagery to carry meaning. It also prefers to use the Alethic and Epistemic modality rather than the Gnomic aspect.


The Coastal dialect, on the other hand, thrives on creative compounding and the reimagining of roots. It regularly generates new terms by combining common stems in playful or efficient ways, often shortening or streamlining them for ease of use. This dialect also borrows more readily from trade partners or neighbors, though such borrowings are adapted to the native morphological style. For example, instead of using an external word for “compass,” the Coastal dialect might coin a new term from “sea” and “circle.” These neologisms reflect the region’s outward-facing culture and openness to adaptation.
The Coastal dialect, on the other hand, thrives on creative compounding and the reimagining of roots. It regularly generates new terms by combining common stems in playful or efficient ways, often shortening or streamlining them for ease of use. This dialect also borrows more readily from trade partners or neighbors, though such borrowings are adapted to the native morphological style. For example, instead of using an external word for “compass,” the Coastal dialect might coin a new term from “sea” and “circle.” These neologisms reflect the region’s outward-facing culture and openness to adaptation.
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Despite their differences, both dialects are seen as prestigious within their own contexts. Literature, song, and oral tradition exist in both forms, and speakers often shift between dialects depending on setting, formality, or region. This duality adds richness to the language as a whole, fostering internal variation while maintaining a unified linguistic identity.
Despite their differences, both dialects are seen as prestigious within their own contexts. Literature, song, and oral tradition exist in both forms, and speakers often shift between dialects depending on setting, formality, or region. This duality adds richness to the language as a whole, fostering internal variation while maintaining a unified linguistic identity.
== Genetics, Origins and DNA ==
The Vethari, a seafaring ethnic group residing on a peninsula extending eastward from India’s eastern seaboard, possess a genetic heritage that reflects deep-rooted South Asian ancestry intertwined with more distant ties to both ancient Egyptian populations and the indigenous Mayaimi people of southeastern North America. Genomic studies reveal a core affinity with Dravidian and Austroasiatic groups from eastern India, alongside rare ancestral components linking them to Northeast African lineages and transoceanic maritime contacts. These connections, while faint, suggest that the Vethari may descend from a highly mobile ancestral population involved in early coastal migration networks that stretched far beyond the Indian Ocean, possibly linked by archaic seafaring routes and climatic shifts during the Holocene. This complex ancestry gives rise to a genetic mosaic shaped by ancient trade, long-distance voyages, and cultural diffusion.
At the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) level, the Vethari exhibit dominant haplogroups M and R, common across the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia, but also carry low-frequency subclades such as M1 and U6, which are more typically found in North and Northeast Africa, including among ancient Egyptian populations. These lineages suggest a trace of maternal gene flow from the Red Sea corridor or the Horn of Africa into early Vethari ancestry, possibly through pre-Bronze Age maritime exchanges or contact via the Arabian Sea. On the paternal side, while haplogroups O2a1-M95 and H1a1a-M82 remain dominant and link them to South and Southeast Asian populations, a minor yet persistent presence of haplogroup E1b1b—commonly associated with Afroasiatic-speaking groups including ancient Egyptians—adds another layer of complexity. Interestingly, a small segment of autosomal DNA in Vethari genomes shows affinity to indigenous Caribbean and southeastern North American groups, especially the Mayaimi people of the Florida peninsula, hinting at either ancient transoceanic drift populations or long-distance cultural diffusion mechanisms yet to be fully understood.
Further whole-genome analysis supports the notion of a deeply diverse ancestry. Alongside typical South Asian signatures, the Vethari display a unique autosomal component that includes markers found in the Nile Valley and eastern Mediterranean, as well as low-frequency alleles overlapping with ancient Amerindian populations. This suggests the possibility of multiple waves of gene flow from distant coasts, potentially facilitated by early oceanic navigation technologies. Linguistically and culturally, the Vethari preserve ritual vocabularies and mythologies that bear unexpected parallels to both Nile Delta cosmology and certain motifs found among the Mayaimi and other pre-Columbian societies. Such patterns reinforce the idea of a group shaped by a long-standing maritime tradition, positioned at the intersection of global migratory currents and prehistoric human exploration.
The genetic patterns observed among the Vethari also provide insight into the mother tongue versus father tongue hypothesis, particularly in the context of their diverse ancestry. The alignment of Y-chromosome haplogroup O2a1-M95 with the dominant Vethari language, which maintains some Austroasiatic grammatical features, supports the "father tongue" model of linguistic inheritance, indicating a strong paternal influence on language transmission. However, the presence of African-derived mtDNA lineages such as M1 and U6, as well as stable maternal retention of language within isolated Vethari clans, suggests that maternal lineage played a key role in preserving cultural identity during periods of external contact. This dual pattern implies that while the paternal line may have steered linguistic shifts during early expansion phases, the maternal line sustained continuity, anchoring the Vethari identity across generations of intercontinental interaction.
The Vethari people exhibit a striking and distinctive appearance shaped by their unique genetic heritage and coastal environment. Their skin tone ranges from medium to deep brown, well-suited to the tropical climate of their peninsula homeland. Their hair is typically thick and dark, varying between straight and wavy textures. One of their most remarkable features is their true natural violet eyes, a rare trait resulting from unique genetic mutations that affect the pigmentation and light-scattering properties of their irises.
Their eye shape is generally almond-like or slightly hooded, occasionally showing subtle epicanthic folds. Facial structure among the Vethari is characterized by high cheekbones and broad to medium-width faces, with softly defined jawlines that give their features a gentle yet distinct appearance. Their noses vary from broad to medium width, with some individuals displaying narrower nasal bridges that hint at ancient North African influence. Lips tend to be medium to full in shape, complementing their overall facial harmony.
In terms of stature, the Vethari are taller than average compared to many neighboring populations. Men commonly range between 175 and 185 centimeters (approximately 5'9" to 6'1"), while women average between 165 and 175 centimeters (around 5'5" to 5'9"). Their physiques are typically lean and muscular, reflecting an active lifestyle centered around fishing, seafaring, and farming along the coast.
Genetically, the Vethari carry dominant mitochondrial DNA haplogroups M and R, common across South and Southeast Asia, alongside low-frequency North African subclades such as M1 and U6. On the paternal side, their Y-chromosome haplogroups primarily include O2a1-M95 and H1a1a-M82, linking them to regional South and Southeast Asian groups, but they also exhibit a minor presence of E1b1b, a haplogroup associated with Afroasiatic-speaking populations including ancient Egyptians. What sets them apart further are unique mutations in the OCA2 and HERC2 genes, which are responsible for their distinct violet eye pigmentation.
Additionally, some Vethari individuals show occasional craniofacial variations, such as elongated skull shapes or pronounced brow ridges, traits that add to the diversity and complexity of their physical appearance. Altogether, these characteristics paint a picture of a genetically and physically unique people, shaped by millennia of maritime migration, cultural exchange, and adaptation to their coastal environment.
=== Violet Eyes: The main characteristic ===
The Vethari's violet eyes are a rare and striking feature, resulting from a unique genetic mutation that affects the pigmentation of the iris. Unlike the commonly known blue eyes, which arise from a reduction in melanin, violet eyes in humans are due to a combination of factors that lead to a distinct light scattering effect and a subtle presence of red pigments in the iris. This condition is not associated with albinism, as the Vethari individuals with violet eyes possess normal amounts of melanin in their skin and hair.
The primary genetic determinant of eye color in humans involves the OCA2 gene, which encodes a protein crucial for melanin production. Variations in this gene, particularly in its regulatory regions, can lead to different eye colors. In the case of the Vethari, a specific mutation in the OCA2 gene, possibly in conjunction with other genetic factors, results in the unique violet hue of their eyes. This mutation affects the way light is scattered and absorbed by the iris, creating the violet appearance.
Additionally, the HERC2 gene, located near OCA2, plays a significant role in regulating OCA2 expression. A well-known single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) in HERC2, rs12913832, has been associated with blue eye color by reducing OCA2 expression. However, in the Vethari, a different variant or combination of variants in the HERC2 gene may lead to a different modulation of OCA2 expression, contributing to the violet eye color. The exact genetic mechanisms remain a subject of ongoing research.
The inheritance of violet eyes in the Vethari follows a complex pattern, likely involving multiple genes and their interactions. It is not a simple Mendelian trait but rather a polygenic characteristic, meaning it results from the combined effects of several genetic factors. This complexity makes the violet eye color a distinctive and rare feature within the Vethari population.
The Vethari's geographic isolation on their peninsula has played a crucial role in preserving the violet eye trait. Limited gene flow from outside populations has allowed unique genetic characteristics, such as violet eyes, to remain within the community. This isolation has also helped maintain other distinctive features and cultural practices that define the Vethari people.
However, the increasing connectivity of the modern world poses challenges to the preservation of such unique traits. Intermarriage with neighboring populations and exposure to different genetic pools may introduce new genetic variations, potentially diluting the frequency of the violet eye trait over time.


== Morphology ==
== Morphology ==
Because of not being exclusively concatenative, it is considered that it has something called Conflicting Evidence, also found in Lakhota, Thai, Beja, Chamorro and Gooniyandi. It is Monoexponential, which means that there’s an affix for every category, and not just an affix that covers more than one category at a time, that, differently from Vethari, lots of other closely related languages are Polyexponential. It is Monoexponential for both TAM markers and Cases. On Case Exponence, it takes different affixes for each, for example Case + Number or Case + TAM. Other languages languages like Vethari, where there are different affixes for case and TAM Markers are Spanish and Portuguese.
Going into the TAM Exponence, Vethari can be considered to be put into the TAM+polarity category, since it has the Vetitive mood, that covers negation in the imperative mood, being the only time where this happens in the language. Other languages in this category are Kayardild, Hunzib, Maasai, Mangarrayi and Koyra Chiini.
Vethari has a Dependent-Marking morphology, as well as not being syncretic on both nouns and verbs. It also has a Five-way contrast demonstrative system.
=== Verbs ===
=== Verbs ===
Vethari verbs are constructed by a series of affixes put together with the verb root to form the form. When auxiliary verbs are used, they are put before the verb. The infinitive is the verb root + -ku. The participle is made by putting “fnu” before the verb. When doing the past perfect, “fnu” is put after the conjugation of Gusu(to have). When with (*), it means that it must have the affix.
Vethari verbs are constructed by a series of affixes put together with the verb root to form the form. When auxiliary verbs are used, they are put before the verb. The infinitive is the verb root + -ku. The participle is made by putting “fnu” before the verb. When doing the past participle, “fnu” is put after the conjugation of Gusu(to have). To do the Aorist Participle and Future or Present Participle, “fnu” needs to be before the verb whose participle will be made. When with (*), it means that it must have the affix.


{| border="1" cellpadding="1" cellspacing="1" class="bluetable lightbluebg" style="text-align:center;"
{| border="1" cellpadding="1" cellspacing="1" class="bluetable lightbluebg" style="text-align:center;"
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|-
|-
! *Mood
! *Mood
| ''-cyi-'' (indicative)<br>''-cye-'' (subjunctive)<br>''-tthi-'' (imperative)<br>''-gyu-'' (conditional)<br>''-mo-'' (jussive)<br>''-sorlì-'' (optative) <br>''-ppu-'' (vetitive)
| ''-cyi-'' (indicative)<br>''-cye-'' (subjunctive)<br>''-tthi-'' (imperative)<br>''-gyu-'' (conditional)<br>''-mo-'' (jussive)<br>''-sorlì-'' (optative) <br>''-ppu-'' (vetitive) <br> ''-wes-'' (Desiderative)
|-
|-
! Voice
! Voice
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* Nouns lose their declension when incorporated into a verb, with only the root remaining, however, sometimes, only the case remains, when there is no affix following the noun.
* Nouns lose their declension when incorporated into a verb, with only the root remaining, however, sometimes, only the case remains, when there is no affix following the noun.
* Because of Vethari being an Agentive-Default language, Agentive arguments are marked on transitive clauses, while the object is in the Patientive. When on intransitive clauses, the subject may be on either cases basing on volition. If it is Intentional/Not emotionally affected, it is marked with the Agentive case, otherwise, if unintentional or/and emotionally affected, it is marked with the Patientive case. For example: "She died" would be marked with the Agentive case, while "died her" would mean that it was unintentional and it is marked with the Patientive Case. Instead of having specific volitional affixes or infixes to mark emotions/affection or even polypersonal agreement, it has two types for each clause argument.
* Because of Vethari being an Agentive-Default language, Agentive arguments are marked on transitive clauses, while the object is in the Patientive. When on intransitive clauses, the subject may be on either cases basing on volition. If it is Intentional/Not emotionally affected, it is marked with the Agentive case, otherwise, if unintentional or/and emotionally affected, it is marked with the Patientive case. For example: "She died" would be marked with the Agentive case, while "died her" would mean that it was unintentional and it is marked with the Patientive Case. Instead of having specific volitional affixes or infixes to mark emotions/affection or even polypersonal agreement, it has two types for each clause argument.
*Situational and Epistemic modality markers overlap for both possibility and necessity, as English, where the same modals can express the urgency or just the possibility of doing and action.
*No zero realization on S markers.
*Relativization occurs on both Subjects and Obliques(Relative Pronouns)
*It is considered Balanced/Deranked on “when” and purpose clauses, although Old Vethari being classified only as Balanced.
*On Action Nominal Constructions, Vethari is classified with this structure, as Double-Possessive, with other similar languages being Maltese, Latvian and Japanese.
*Because of a little bit of suppletion according to tense, like Pipil and Hixkaryana, it is difficult for learners, however the Highlands dialect has other irregular verbs with changes also in aspect, having suppletion on both Tense and Aspect, like Nahuatl and Burushaski. Old Vethari had suppletion only on aspects, and when evolving, they became tense suppletion forms, like Ika, Wichita and Numggubuyu.
* Modal verbs appear before the main verb. Some other are not needed, like “must” that in stead, uses or the Imperative or the Vetitive for it. The subjunctive may sometimes full the work of a modal verb in a sentence. Vethari modal verbs are etymologically related to Gimiiratopi’s coverbs. Modal verbs are defective verbs, as in English, which such verbs only have one form. In Vethari, these verbs can not be conjugated, thus being used alone before the verb, just like English.
====Personal Infinitive====
The Personal Infinitive usually occurs on structures like “for (pronoun) (infinitive)”, for example “for us to be”. They only conjugate for person, however other pronouns are took back for their normal forms(includes excluding the case), for example “us > we”, “me > I”. For example:
: Jo-cyi-lye-riu-syo
: 1PL.AGT-IND-FUT-be-IMI
: For us to be.
In this case, “syo” is the personal infinitive suffix for the Agentive subject “jo”, “we”.
==== The Supines and the Gerundive ====
The supine is used on main verbs on purpose clauses. It is also used to explain why something is done. They come as a particle right after the verb complex: “tumi”.
: Dhiza li-cyi-ga-masu-tuw ta-cyi-Ø-ruma-prosezyun tumi.
: mother 3SG.AGT-IND-PST-take-1SG.PAT.INDR.OBJ 1SG.AGT-IND-PRES-watch-procession SUP
: 'Mother took me to watch the procession'.
: Ta-cyi-rja-so-komu-ru ugirigasiku tumi!
: 1SG.AGT-IND-AOR-do.AOR-that-2SG.PAT protect SUP
: I did that to protect you!
The other supine comes after a verb with an adjective. The particle “muturai” is used. For example:
: Piro vi-cyi-Ø-karu-tu muturai…
: hard 2SG.AGT-IND-PRES-believe-1SG.PAT SUP
: Hard to believe… (Literally: Hard you believe I)
: Cara li-cyi-suri-komu siranku muturai!
: amazing 3SG.AGT-IND-be-that say SUP
: It’s amazing to say! (Literally: Amazing that is to say).
The Gerundive is no longer used on colloquial speech, however it is used on formal writing and old people’s vocabulary. It worked almost the same way as Latin, however it disappeared from common texts, being left on the Old Vethari language.
==== Volitional Verbs ====
==== Volitional Verbs ====
There are some verb pairs that distinguish volition, some only used with Agentive subjects and others only with Patientive subjects. For example: Nimoku 'to see' (only Agentive) and Pasoku 'to look' (only patientive). The same way with English on the examples, with 'to see' being only intentional and 'to look' being unintentional. Other notable example is Dyirauku 'to hear' (only Agentive) and Misubuku 'to listen' (only Patientive). Although if the argument, in theory, has to be in the other case, it’s not possible to change, as they function as defective verbs, because they can’t change their cases.
There are some verb pairs that distinguish volition, some only used with Agentive subjects and others only with Patientive subjects. For example: Nimoku 'to see' (only Agentive) and Pasoku 'to look' (only patientive). The same way with English on the examples, with 'to see' being only intentional and 'to look' being unintentional. Other notable example is Dyirauku 'to hear' (only Agentive) and Misubuku 'to listen' (only Patientive). Although if the argument, in theory, has to be in the other case, it’s not possible to change, as they function as defective verbs, because they can’t change their cases.
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In Proto-Vethari, verbs declined to volition, so, anyways, even being transitive, verbs could be marked as intentional or unintentional, knowing that currently only intransitive verbs can do that. However, those verbs that marked volition including on the infinitive, evolved into the current verb pairs that only have one subject case.
In Proto-Vethari, verbs declined to volition, so, anyways, even being transitive, verbs could be marked as intentional or unintentional, knowing that currently only intransitive verbs can do that. However, those verbs that marked volition including on the infinitive, evolved into the current verb pairs that only have one subject case.


Besides those verbs that evolved from quirky subjects, there are other verbs specially for people that make vs. who receive the action. For example: 'to kill' ''Monaku'' (used only in the Agentive) vs. 'to die' ''Midonaku'' (used only in the Patientive).
Besides those verbs that evolved from quirky subjects, there are other verbs specially for people that make vs. who receive the action. For example: 'to kill' ''Monaku'' (used only in the Agentive) vs. 'to die' ''Midonaku'' (used only in the Patientive). This goes along with causativity, since causative sentences show volition in their verbs, as they turn A, into a transitive clause, with the original subject S becoming the object O. Like shown, before, this makes verbs turn from (to X) into (to make X), with the former being in the Patientive and the latter in the Agentive, so, to die, as in Vethari, it is Patientive, whereas “to kill” is in the Agentive. This is because when you kill someone, you made that, because it was voluntary, or even being involuntary, you ''caused'' something to die, as opposed when something dies, for example: you kill someone, not *die someone.


==== Irregular Verbs ====
==== Irregular Verbs ====
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:''Ta-cyi-'''rja'''-gusu'' fnu ''ta-cyi-'''rja'''-sifunari-kkepomidayu-Ø.''
:''Ta-cyi-'''rja'''-gusu'' fnu ''ta-cyi-'''rja'''-sifunari-kkepomidayu-Ø.''
: 1SG.AGT-IND-AOR-have 1SG.AGT-IND-''AOR''-reject-money-PAT
: 1SG.AGT-IND-AOR-have PPRT 1SG.AGT-IND-''AOR''-reject-money-PAT
:I had rejected money. (It is in the Perfect Aspect(formed by another verb), however the gloss is written for both)
:I had rejected money. (It is in the Perfect Aspect(formed by another verb), however the gloss is written for both)


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| maku
| maku
| mei  
| mei  
| to split
| to sob
|-
|-
| pume
| pume
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| fedu  
| fedu  
| to whisper
| to whisper
|-
| usin
| usynuku
| wo
| to plummet
|-
|-
| syuo
| syuo
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==== Questions and Negation ====
==== Questions and Negation ====
For binary questions, the answer must be 'Fe'(Yes) or 'Sezo'(No). For non-binary questions, the question appears right after the verb root.  
For binary questions(Yes/No Questions), Vethari uses a four-form system for answering a question. This means, there are 4 ways you can answer someone, not just simply “yes” and “no”. For Positive Questions (e.g. Is he here?), you answer “yes” or “no”, right? Now for Negative Questions (e.g. Is he not here?), if you answer “yes”, you mean that he is not there or that he is there? and vice-versa with no, so there is a four-form system. To affirm a Positive or Negative question, you use “Jyodhowu” and “Jyodhowa” respectively and to negate a Positive or Negative question, you use “Uwu” and “Uwa” respectively.
 
For non-binary questions, the question appears right after the verb root.  


: Vicyisoma''nuru''!?
: Vicyisoma''nuru''!?
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: 2SG.AGT-IND-cry-NEG
: 2SG.AGT-IND-cry-NEG
: Don’t cry!
: Don’t cry!
The Vetitive mood is used only when warning someone that there’ll be consequences for something like prohibiting from doing something, or constructions like: “Beware …”. It’s also used to show impossible things like imagining something that will never happen or a dream. It’s also functions like a “mustn’t”. Negation like “-mu-“ is used for more brief and superficial cases, when nothing big happens.
==== Telicity ====
Vethari distinguishes telic and atelic actions by using different structures and cases on the direct object. Telic actions mean that the action is complete, however, atelic actions mean that they are not complete or don’t have an endpoint. Because there will always be an incorporated verb, it is shown by particles. Those particles define the case of the direct object, but only agentive and patientive, with others left out, just like normal incorporated nouns.
Telicity is optional to use, however, on some situations, it night be good to know to clarify what’s going on.
Telic and atelic actions can cause case stacking. When on telic actions, the direct object is on the patientive case, whereas on atelic actions, the agentive case is used. An example with a telic action:
: Ta-cyi-rja-kasyada-wan madha
: 1SG.AGT-IND-AOR-shoot-bear TEL.PAT
: I shot the bear!(And I killed it)
And now with an atelic action:
: Ta-cyi-rja-kasyada-wan vaima
: 1SG.AGT-IND-AOR-shoot-bear TEL.AGT
: I shot the bear!(But it stayed alive/Didn’t get it right)


==== Noun Incorporation ====
==== Noun Incorporation ====
Nouns, when they are incorporated into transitive verbs, lose their declension affixes, with only the root left. When nouns need to appear on an intransitive clause, they appear after the verb, with all the affixes. When on noun phrases, there is nothing special, with the nouns declining normally. There is no “class agreement”, instead of gender agreement, so adjectives don’t have any agreement with the object they are giving characteristics. All adjectives are singulare tantum. They also don’t decline.  Adjectives appear after the noun. There are no articles for adjectives.
Nouns, when they are incorporated into transitive verbs, lose their declension affixes, with only the root left. When nouns need to appear on an intransitive clause, they appear after the verb, with all the affixes. When on noun phrases, there is nothing special, with the nouns declining normally. There is no “class agreement”, instead of gender agreement, so adjectives don’t have any agreement with the object they are giving characteristics. All adjectives are singulare tantum. They also don’t decline.  Adjectives appear after the noun. There are no articles for adjectives.
=== Adjectives ===
For adjectives, there are no articles and they are the same for singular and plural. For the comparative, the structure “i rre ?” is used, with ‘?’ Being the adjective. For the superlative, the structure “sopa ?” is used.
: Lyacyisurileirar i rre rsi.
: He is taller than him.
: Licyisurinor sopa girai thipiko jau tacyigusu piu tacyifurainoy ibir!
: He is the smartest student that I’ve ever met [before]!
There is also the Elative/Absolute Superlative, which means (very …) in English. They are irregular, that means, they are different from the normal superlative, positive and comparative.
: Licyisuri rsi.
: He is tall.
: Licyisuri orsau.
: He is very tall.
: Licyisuri ogo.
: He is evil.
: Licyisuri vigo.
: He is wicked/very evil.
There is also the “equal comparative”, that means “as … as”. It uses the structure “olu ?”
: Luicyisuriliy olu rsi.
: He is as tall as him.
For the negative, special constructions are used. For the comparative, “rura ?” is used to mean “less ? than”. For the superlative, “ata ?” it means “the least ?” and for the Absolute Superlative, “ror ?”, that stands for “the least ?” again, but it works the same way as “very ?”, but in the negative.
==== Diminutive and Augmentative ====
Vethari uses the augmentative and diminutive both on nouns and adjectives. They are usually highly irregular, however, there are some regular nouns and adjectives, which forms are made by reduplication. For the diminutive, a partial reduplication is made, by doubling the first syllable, however, a full reduplication is made when on the augmentative. They are not always used, instead, the normal adjectives for big and small are used.
: Wan-nu-Ø-tri-wannutri igi wan-wan-nu-tri.
: bear-DEF-SG-AGT-RED and bear-bear-DEF-AGT
: A big bear and a small bear(Literally: A bear bear and a be-bear)
=== Pronouns ===
=== Pronouns ===
Pronouns are quite difficult in Vethari. The basic forms, are the Agentive and Patientive affixes on verbs. They usually appear as affixes, but sometimes alone, like answering questions like: Who was it?  
Pronouns are quite difficult in Vethari. The basic forms, are the Agentive and Patientive affixes on verbs. They usually appear as affixes, but sometimes alone, like answering questions like: Who was it?  
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Reflexive and Reciprocal pronouns also exist, for example: Write the text yourself!: Vitthittuugipu'vou', where 'vou' is the reflexive form of 'vi', ''Agentive you''. If in case of the object already being mentioned before, when replaced by 'it' then, it would appear in the default form after the first pronoun, being literally: Write yourself it. In this case, the phrase would be: Vitthittuvoul-e. Yes, when pronouns are clitics or just appear after, the first phoneme is transferred into the final of that group of affixes, so 'le', would be 'l-e', as seen in the example, however, this does not affect the pronunciation.  
Reflexive and Reciprocal pronouns also exist, for example: Write the text yourself!: Vitthittuugipu'vou', where 'vou' is the reflexive form of 'vi', ''Agentive you''. If in case of the object already being mentioned before, when replaced by 'it' then, it would appear in the default form after the first pronoun, being literally: Write yourself it. In this case, the phrase would be: Vitthittuvoul-e. Yes, when pronouns are clitics or just appear after, the first phoneme is transferred into the final of that group of affixes, so 'le', would be 'l-e', as seen in the example, however, this does not affect the pronunciation.  


Clitics are pronouns that don’t have specific slots inside the complex of affixes, so it is put at the end, maybe with even 2 other more pronouns, or maybe contracted with all others. So, if there are three pronouns referring to one verb like: May you cook for us, her and them! (Literally: May you cook for us, her, them), would be: Vyisorlìjujoul-eirl-ou instead of Vyisorlìjujoul-ei-rlou, …-lei-rlou or …-l-ei-rl-ou or whatever. In this case, it can also be contracted: vyi + jou + lei + rlou = vyourlei, so -> Vyourleisorlìjuvyourlei, however, this is unpractical and inconvenient(this example), although correct.
Clitics are pronouns that don’t have specific slots inside the complex of affixes, so it is put at the end, maybe with even 2 other more pronouns, or maybe contracted with all others. So, if there are three pronouns referring to one verb like: May you cook for us, her and them! (Literally: May you cook for us, her, them), would be: Vyisorlìjujoul-eirl-ou instead of Vyisorlìjujoul-ei-rlou, …-lei-rlou or …-l-ei-rl-ou or whatever, is wrong. In this case, it can also be contracted: vyi + jou + lei + rlou = vyourlei, so -> Vyourleisorlìjuvyourlei, however, this is unpractical and inconvenient(this example), although correct.


Sometimes, when a clitic ends up somewhere where can’t be that specific cluster, an 'a' is put in the middle, if a consonant cluster, however if a big vowel cluster, a 'l' is put in between.
Sometimes, when a clitic ends up somewhere where can’t be that specific cluster, an 'a' is put in the middle, if a consonant cluster, however if a big vowel cluster, a 'l' is put in between.
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=== Nouns ===
=== Nouns ===
Like verbs, complete noun forms are based on affixes, that change by classes. There are specific affixes for each category; Case, Class, Number and Definiteness. There are no genders, instead, there are classes. Although there are different affixes for each class, there is no Patientive and Singular affix on every class.
Like verbs, complete noun forms are based on affixes, that change by classes. Nouns have case syncretism. There are specific affixes for each category; Case, Class, Number and Definiteness. There are no genders, instead, there are classes. Although there are different affixes for each class, there is no Patientive and Singular affix on every class.
 
==== Alienable and Inalienable Possession ====
 
Nouns used to have specific particles when showing that they are the alienable or inalienable forms. Each of them was formed by a suffix. They only occurred when in Class 1, that corresponds to the Late Classical and Modern Vethari’s Congealic and Pillaric classes. They were transformed into other suffixes later, resulting in the nowadays forms. Pillaric was the inalienable possession nouns and Congealic was the alienable possession nouns. In other Vethari languages, these types of possessions were shown by dative and genitive particles.


====Classes of Nouns and their affixes====
====Classes of Nouns and their affixes====
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|}
|}


==== Possession ====
==== Adpositions ====


=== Derivation ===
=== Derivation ===
Words can be derived into other parts of speech with the following suffixes:
{| border="1" cellpadding="1" cellspacing="1" class="bluetable lightbluebg" style="text-align:center;"
|-
! rowspan="2" colspan="2"|
! colspan="4"|From...
|-
! Noun
! Verb
! Adjective<br>or Determiner
! Adverb
|-
! rowspan="4"|To...
! Noun
| -
| ''-gi''
| ''-gas''
| ''-gko''
|-
! Verb
| ''-oku'' (to be X, temporarily)<br>''-iku'' (to do an X-like thing)
| -
| ''-aitiku''<br>''-fitiku'' (to become X)
| ''-rruku''
|-
! Adjective<br>or Determiner
| ''-was''
| ''-iku''
| -
| ''-ryekhli''
|-
! Adverb
| ''-prura''
| ''-wakku''
| ''-uri''
| -
|}
For the verbs specified endings, remember that not always the verbs that end that way mean that they have derived from another grammatical category.


== Syntax ==
== Syntax ==
=== Word Order ===
=== Word Order ===
The standard word order is SVO, when using the verb complex as a full phrase, however, when more than this, other categories are usually arranged the same way as in English so:
: Tawesrjawomalit-u imaudauri wasa kima tuppulyefimo…
: 1SG.AGT-DES-AOR-love-3SG.AGT-1SG.PAT unfortunately but this 1SG.PAT-VET-FUT-happen
: I wish he loved me, but unfortunately this won’t happen…
On full noun phrases, the nouns may be on the Patientive case. The adjectives usually comes before the noun(by changing the order the same adjective might have a different meaning), so: Adjective + Noun + Relative Clause. The word order changes to OVS when doing the reported speech, with no vocabulary change, just the order.
=== Conjunctions ===
=== Conjunctions ===
=== Relative and Independent Clauses ===
Vethari has lots of conjunctions that divide themselves into clauses, just like English. Grammatically the simple ones: Coordinating, Correlative, Time and Subordinating conjuctions. As there is a lot of conjunctions, not every single one will be shown, however, here it goes someone of them:
{| border="1" cellpadding="1" cellspacing="1" class="bluetable lightbluebg" style="text-align:center;"
|-
! Word
! English Translation
|-
| ''igi''
| and
|-
| ''(dative case used)''
| for
|-
| ''wasa''
| but
|-
| ''qo''
| or
|-
| ''frui''
| yet
|-
| ''om''
| so
|-
| ''i''
| nor
|-
| ''nave''
| if
|-
| ''rroko''
| than
|-
| ''simo''
| whether
|-
| ''oro''
| as
|-
| ''thutufiri''
| after
|-
| ''ibir''
| before
|-
| ''e''
| as long as
|-
| ''rtusi''
| since
|-
| ''khansui''
| until
|-
| ''gyeri''
| while
|-
| ''fithuturu''
| although
|-
| ''nyemu''
| however
|-
| ''ruga''
| because
|-
| ''firufuthu''
| as soon as
|-
| ''jyeku''
| as if
|-
| ''firuthutu''
| though
|-
| ''dherada''
| unless
|-
| ''puli''
| so that
|-
| ''rifithutu''
| either
|-
| ''thufufiri''
| neither
|-
| ''dyuryi''
| like
|-
| ''ama''
| also
|-
| ''ragu''
| besides
|-
| ''ismi''
| for example
|-
| ''uilea''
| furthermore
|-
| ''aima''
| hence
|-
| ''epa''
| first(from last)
|-
| ''ipa''
| last
|-
| ''irje''
| later
|-
| ''àmisa''
| meanwhile
|-
| ''ekpaula''
| moreover
|-
| ''colo''
| next
|-
| ''tufithutu''
| nevertheless
|-
| ''tufithuru''
| nonetheless
|-
| ''os''
| now
|-
| ''rutufrithi''
| on the other hand
|-
| ''ruthutiti''
| soon
|-
| ''firi''
| still
|-
| ''rupa''
| such as
|-
| ''emèra''
| then
|-
| ''walawa''
| thereafter
|-
| ''ekpa''
| therefore
|-
| ''soy''
| thus
|-
| ''egma''
| too
|-
| ''nuru''
| what
|-
| ''sesi nuru''
| whatever
|-
| ''sesi niri''
| whoever
|-
| ''sensa''
| whereas
|-
| ''sesi noro''
| whomever
|-
| ''senu''
| when
|-
| ''sesi senu''
| whenever
|-
| ''ekreramunau''
| with this in mind
|}
 
=== Relative Clauses ===
Relative clauses, which are demarcated with the particle ''jau'' also serve to emphasize the subject on the clause, for example: “Me ''that'' went there yesterday” instead of just “I went there yesterday”. Also serve to exclaim that something was on purpose, whether the speaker’s assumption is correct or not. Relative clauses use Relative Pronouns.
 
: Jau li-cyi-rja-suy-evirdau-mia!
: RM 3SG.AGT-IND-AOR-take-pen-1SG.AGT.DAT.INDR.OBJ
: She that took the pen from me!
 
== Sample Text ==
== Sample Text ==
=== Sample Text ===
The 1st Article of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights translated into Vethari:
: "All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood."
: "Ciro eppola igi yamarù rlucyikleeurrekunapurang muturai piriwasmugrigol igi fidyegasmugrigol. Igi sinyegaloimugayl rlocyiklerjazaniyeeppurotui igi rlayugyulyeappura kocyivauzuqol dhanasgkoryekhlizugel."
: "Ciro eppola igi yamarù rlu-cyi-kle-Ø-eurre-kunapurang muturai piriwas-mu-gri-Ø-gol igi fidyegas-mu-gri-Ø-gol. Igi sinyegaloi-mu-Ø-Ø-gayl rlo-cyi-kle-rja-zaniye-eppurotui igi rlayu-gyu-lye-appura kocyivau-zu-Ø-qol
:dhanasgkoryekhli-zu-Ø-gel."
: all free and equal 3PL.PAT-IND-PASS-PRES-born-humanbeing SUP dignity-DEF-PL-PAT-LOC and right-DEF-PL-PAT-LOC | and conscience-DEF-SG-PAT-INS 3PL.AGT-IND-PASS-AOR-endow-reason and 3PL.AGT.RECP.DO-COND-FUT-act spirit-DEF-SG-LOC brotherhood-DEF-SG-DAT
: /'ci.ɾo e'pˠo.la 'i.gi ja.ma'ɾɯ ɭu.çi.kle.eu.ɺe.ku.na.pu.ɾang mu.tu'ɾaj pi.ɾi.was.mu.gɾi'gol 'i.gi fi.ʤe.gas.mu.gɾi'gol | 'i.gi si.ɲe.ga.loi.mu'gajl ɭo.çi.kle.ɟa.za.ni.je.e.pˠu.ɾo'tui
:'i.gi ɭa.ju.ʝu.ʎe.a.pˠu.ɾa ko.çi.vau.zu'qol ða.nas.gko.ɻe.xli.zu'gel/
: [ci̞.ɾ̞o̞ eˈpˠo̞.la̞ ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ja̠.ma̠ˈɾɯ̟ ɭu̟.çi̟.kʰle̞̽.u̟.ɺe̞.kʰu̟.na̠.pʰu̟.ˈɾãŋ mu̟.tʰu̟ˈɾa̝j̟ p̚i̞.ɾ̞i̞.ˈwas̟.mu̟.ɡɾi̞ˈgo̞l̪ ˈi̞.ɡi̞ fi̞.ʤe̞̽.ɡas̟.mu̟.ɡɾi̞ˈgo̞l̪ | ˈi̞.ɡi̞ si̞.ɲe̞̽.ɡa̠.lo̞ɪ̯.mu̟ˈɡaɪ̯l̪ ɭo̟.çi̟.kʰle̞.ɟa̟.za̟.ni̞.je̞.e̞.pˠu̟.ɾo̟ˈtˣʷui̯
:ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ɭa̟.ju̠.ʝu̠.ʎe̟.a̟.pˠu̟ˈɾa̟ ko̞.çi̟.ˈvau̯.zu̟.qo̞l̪ ða̞.nas̟.gko̠.ɻe̞.xli̞.zʰu̟ˈɡel̪]
:⟦c̞i̞.ɾ̞o̞ eˈpˠo̞.l̪a̞ ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ja̠.m̻a̠ˈɾ̠ɯ̟ ɭ̟u̟.çi̟.kʰ͡l̪e̞̽.u̟.ɺ̠e̞.ku̟.n̪a̠.pʰʷu̟.ˈɾ̃ãŋ̟ m̻u̟.tʰ̪u̟ˈɾ̈a̝j̟ p̚i̞.ɾ̞i̞.ˈwä̠s̟.m̻u̟.ɡɾ̞i̞ˈɡ̞o̞l̪
:ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ɸi̞.ʤ̞e̞̽.ɡä̠s̟.m̻u̟.ɡɾ̞i̞ˈɡ̞o̞l̪ | ˈi̞.ɡi̞ s̻i̞.ɲe̞̽.ɡᵆa̠.l̪o̞ɪ̯.m̻u̟ˈɡäɪ̯l̪ ɭ̟o̟.çi̟.kʰ͡l̪e̞.ɟ̟a̠.z̻a̠.n̪i̞.je̞.e̞.pˠu̟.ɾ̠o̟ˈtˣʷui̯
:ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ɭa̟.ju̠.ʝ̞u̠.ʎe̟.a̟.pˠu̟ˈɾa̟ kʰo̞.çi̟.ˈvᵓɐu̯ᵊ.zu̟.qʰo̞l̪ ð̞a̞.n̪as̟.ᶢkʰo̠.ɻ̞e̞.x͈li̞.zʰu̟ˈɡ̞el̪⟧
== See Also ==
== See Also ==
* [[Proto-Vethari]]
* [[Proto-Vethari]]
* [[Naythiri]]
* [[Naythiri]]
* [[Oralathi]]
* [[Oralathi]]
== Sources ==
* ''Nowojyirasu, '' 1962, Paris Roosevelt
* ''Grammatica Uetari, '' 1762, Ernest Hilbert McCartney
* ''Lùnyefarusu Tapiara, pgs 16-179'' 1870, Nefaru Odienatyana
* ''Retroflexes: Way Back, '' 2008, High Pine Books
* ''The Rttirrian Language, '' 1895, Obediah Taylor